Luis Valentín

Carlos Bermúdez Urbina, a longtime adviser and friend of Gov. Jenniffer González Colón, works behind the scenes on her public image while his company holds more than $626,000 in government contracts.

A cybersecurity loophole in an official government mapping service left private data easily accessible, Centro de Periodismo Investigativo and ProPublica learned.

It took five hours for Francisco Domenech, chief of staff to Puerto Rico Gov. Jenniffer González Colón, to say that only two people sat on the board of directors of the lobbying firm Politank when it was sold: him and Manuel Torres Nieves. He gave the answer weary and irritated, then asked for a recess.

With great fanfare, Francisco Domenech, Puerto Rico’s chief of staff, announced new rules governing lobbying before the island’s government. But a year later, both agencies and lobbyists are flouting the protocol.

The Financial Oversight and Management Board (FOMB) — imposed by the federal government to enforce fiscal discipline over the Puerto Rico government and its agencies — has gone a year without publishing some of its members’ financial disclosure reports, as required by the federal PROMESA law. The board also has not published the financial disclosures of Gov. Jenniffer González, who is subject to the requirement as an ex officio, nonvoting member of the board.

Under the direction of Chief of Staff Francisco Domenech the agency that serves as Puerto Rico’s fiscal agent has also become the hub for much of Gov. Jenniffer González’s advertising and public relations operation.

Jenniffer González is implementing in Puerto Rico the U.S. president’s energy agenda known as American Energy Dominance, prioritizing natural gas sourced from the United States.

Of the 25 companies identified as clients of Politank, nearly half have obtained or renewed government contracts this year worth more than $295 million, according to an investigation by the Centro de Periodismo Investigativo.

The Centro de Periodismo Investigativo obtained a document showing that in April, former PRITS Director Antonio Ramos Guardiola rejected a contract with the company XUVO. Despite his opposition, the company went on to secure a multimillion-dollar deal to manage the Puerto Rico Department of Health’s online system for permits and certifications.

The Governor canceled the contract on Monday, six weeks after the CPI began investigating the matter and sought interviews with the relevant agencies.

In his second term, U.S. President Donald Trump and the Make America Great Again movement have decided to leave their mark on the entity created by the federal PROMESA Act. Once again, the debt of the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority and the reconstruction of the power grid are treated as the spoils of war.

Six months after becoming a resident investor in Puerto Rico, Suresh Gajwani registered SGNG Foundation Corp., a nonprofit organization that went on to receive at least $150,000 in donations from other Act 22 beneficiaries, despite not being eligible to receive them.

VERDICT: FALSE

Far from seeking its exit, the Fiscal Control Board is at its peak integration with the Puerto Rico government. At a time when each side has its interpretation of what PROMESA requires, it seems unlikely that the Board will leave on its terms.

As straight-ticket voting for the majority parties declines and new alliances and parties emerge seeking to build loyalty, there are geographical areas where the five political parties are concentrating their forces ahead of the upcoming elections

Act 22 requires resident investors to donate annually to nonprofit organizations in Puerto Rico. The CPI, using 2022 data, investigated multiple violations of this requirement, which is necessary to obtain the tax privilege.